Chechnya's Mass Graves left Untouched

Second Chechen War: Source

Map of Chechnya: WHO

In 1998, the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court was drafted and signed signaling the establishment of the International Criminal Court.  The court was established with the goal of investigating and prosecuting crimes including war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity.  Article 6 of the Rome Statute cites the “enforced disappearance of persons” as a war crime.  The definition of such “disappearance” includes, but is not limited to, the murder of persons and the burial of such persons in mass, unmarked graves. 

Archeology holds the unique ability to exhume and identify both the cause of death and the identity of bodies.  Archeological methods can therefore be used highlight the mass human rights violations that have been committed against the disappeared and their families.  In the case of the Chechen wars, archeologists have been unable to highlight violations due to Russia’s unwillingness to exhume the mass graves believed by many who have lost relatives, to be the key to learning what happened to their loved ones who disappeared during the wars.  Russia reports that 574 cases of missing persons have been resolved yet 57 known mass graves remain untouched.  The few investigations that have been carried out, have been either botched or executed in an unprofessional manner.

Numerous human rights organizations including Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have condemned Russia’s unwillingness to work to exhume and identify the bodies in an appropriate manner.  Inappropriate practices include failure of collecting evidence from bodies (both forensic and material), failure to publicize their findings to relatives, and failure to carry out investigations into the nature of deaths (such as interviewing known witnesses).  Such botched investigations have made it difficult to determine what has happened to the bodies found.  Since 2005, the European Court of Human Rights has handed down over 170 judgments finding Russia “responsible for serious human rights abuses in Chechnya, including executions, torture, and enforced disappearances” (HRW 5).  But despite these judgments, there have been no official tribunals or legal proceedings on war crimes; Russia has done very little to help victims of the war recover and find their missing relatives, many of whom could certainty be identified by way of proper practices. 

By not exhuming these mass graves or doing so in an improper manner, Russia is further violating the rights of the Chechen war victims.  Surviving relatives are left to imagine the horrors their loved ones endured while not knowing what became of them.   Russia has clearly taken the approach of ignoring its past violations and failing to address the cloud of uncertainty that looms over many survivors whose relatives disappeared.  Russia should be well aware, however, that ignoring a problem does not make is disappear.  Russia’s handling of the mass graves brings up many questions.  How does the refusal to exhume mass graves and subsequently work to identify the bodies further violate the rights of both the deceased and their surviving relatives?  Why has the international community sat by while human rights abuses continue? 

Sources:

Kramer, Andrew. "A vexing reminder of war in Chechnya's booming capital." New York Times 29 04 2008, Web. 10 Nov. 2012. <http://www.nytimes.com/2008/04/29/world/europe/29ihtjournal.4.12440042.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0>.

“Making Justice Count in Chechnya.” Human Rights Watch (2011): 1-21. Human Rights Watch. Web. 9 Nov. 2012

UN General Assembly, Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (last amended 2010), 17 July 1998, ISBN No. 92-9227-227-6, available at: http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/3ae6b3a84.html [accessed 9 November 2012]

Part Two: Ruined

My powerful childhood experiences left a strong flavor in my memory like Proust’s “petites madeleines.” Consequently, throughout my life I have been drawn towards ruined spaces whether it was the wasteland of mills in Hazelwood or a neglected east side Canal Street platform. Over the years, my juvenescent fascination has developed into a desire to re-evaluate the nature of derelict spaces.

What are we to make of these withered stumps of time that have become a part of the city’s existing condition? I hope to pursue an understanding of urban decay by conducting research that will present us with an opportunity to know what these spaces have become, and what potential they hold.

Sadly, as it currently stands our ability to decide how we should judge the potential that voids and wastelands hold is deeply impaired. The reason being that the unclaimed buildings and the un-authorized activities that occur in them are generally divided by society into opposing binaries. Most often it is a positive or negative lens that is used. One side equates urban decay with dereliction, social decline and waste. The other side represents ruined sights as places of inspiration, a repository of memory, generators of creativity, places of habitation and performance. It is a limiting viewpoint that blocks the way to inquiry (i.e. to understanding these buildings or studying their current and potential use), and in turn prohibits growth (i.e. the possibilities that these structures contain good or bad)—one that should be challenged.

My time at the Rock has shown me that the rusting mills and deserted sooty brick houses have great potential—one that cannot be simply seen as good (the buildings are a beacon for creative spirits) or bad (the buildings are decrepit and dangerous). Put another way, the possibilities that exist within these structures cannot be divided into two groups that are separated by an immaculate border. Instead, the two categories should be seen as distinct but connected—an ambiguous tension in an ever-shifting realm.

What type of study will present us with an opportunity to know what these spaces have become and what potential they hold? I believe if we are to see the space as it is, with its complex layers of interaction between the built environments, the derelict and the wild then it is crucial to start from where we are. One-way to address the question is by determining what kind of activity the space invites. Ergo, my next step is to attempt to discern what types of activities the bottom of the rock solicits.

 

Why Ruins: A Personal Reflection on the Black and Yellow Steel City

My interest in urban decay stems from long-term exposure to postindustrial ruins. As a child the abandoned mills of Iron City and the disintegrating Erie Railroad repair shops exerted a magnetic attraction for me. I spray-painted on the worn-down brick walls of the boarded-up mills, which lined the Ohio River. Games of hide-and-seek were not played in a family sanctioned park, but were passionately played in a half-forgotten sight that once housed the mighty Chartiers Creek Railroad. In the not so distant past our shrieks and the pounding of our feet against the pavement echoed through the empty shop floors as we played cops and robbers.

Due to the unorthodox habitat of my upbringing I was exposed at an early age to people of whom society generally paints an unflattering picture as well as to a landscape that the public mostly views as a social blight. Drug dealers, tattoo artists, inhabitants of the “Bottom” Projects, steel mill workers, and members of motorcycle gangs were all daily actors in childhood life. For example, my babysitters did not use umbrellas to fly through the sky or speak with British accents; instead, they used Harley-Davidson motorcycles embellished with pinup girls and spoke with true Pittsburghese accents. 

In regards to the landscape, the area in which I played was only a shadow of its former self. Once upon a time, the neighborhood was flourishing with wealth, amenities, and expansive shopping districts—but no longer. Today the streets and avenues that once contained restaurants and libraries now contains bars, illegal strip clubs, and underground gambling. The factories and workshops that once shook with the roar of machines and the yells of workers now stand empty next to the smokeless smokestacks. A semi-ghost town might seem like an unfortunate playground—a social blight that can only foster delinquent activity. But, it was the abandoned buildings of the post-industrial revolution, which served as a backdrop for all of my passions and hobbies.

The rock’s inhabitants and abandoned structures broadened my horizons in more ways then I can ever thank them for. I learned of new music, books, comics and artists that I would have never encountered otherwise. I was taught to appreciate graphic novels, street artists, and music ranging from rappers like Formula412 to rock groups like the Buzz Poets. More importantly, I was taken to places, engaged with people, and participated in activities—like skateboarding at Mr. Smalls, raving at the Cork factory, or learning to cook a boiled pierogi with the women of the Holy Trinity Polish Church—that I would have been scared of or not interested in otherwise approaching.

Ultimately, these experiences and interactions not only molded my outlook and hobbies, but they also cultivated an interest that has come to define the course of my life: studying post-industrial unintentional urban voids with the hopes of someday better grasping how “empty” unclaimed spaces are used/understood. 

Further Reading:

• Rose Macaulay, Pleasure of Ruins (New York: Thames and Hudson, 1953). 
• Julia Hell and Andreas Schonle, eds., Ruins of Modernity (United States, Duke University Press, 2010).  
• Georg Simmel, "Two Essays: the Handle and the Ruin", Hudson Review, 11:3 (1958: Autumn) 370-384.
• Robert Ginsberg, "Aesthetics of Ruins," Bucknell Review 18:3 (1970: Winter) 89-103.

 Websites:

• http://theboweryboys.blogspot.com/
• http://www.infiltration.org
• http://www.abandonedny.com/
• http://www.opacity.us/

Forced Disappearances and the Application of Forensic Anthropology

The phrase Damnatio Memoriae is a Latin term describing the Roman practice of erasing an individual from history. Normally this treatment was reserved for Emperors or society elites that brought disdain upon the Roman community. Their names were erased from public records, statues and physical representations were deformed, and their personal property was redistributed to local polities. Even coins were re-minted to remove the name and images of these despised people.  Often it was forbidden to speak of those individuals, ensuring all traces of them where forgotten.

Image of the desaparecidos from the Mothers of the Plaza del Mayo

This ancient capability to erase an individual’s existence occurs today with an act known as forced disappearances. These disappearances, which happen during times of civil conflict,  result in an individual being secretly abducted by a government regime, which then denies the existence of the individual. More often than not, the individual is killed and the body is disposed of, as if the individual had vanished. Since the offending party asserts no knowledge of the person in question, the inquiring family is stifled into silence, threatened from making any further claims

Map of South America

 Operation Condor was a movement of political repression that stretched across a majority of South America during the mid-seventies.  The goal, set in place by the right-wing dictatorships, was to eradicate individuals who held communist and socialist ideals, and to control counter-government movements. Under this plan, administrations could persecute individuals who had fled from their homes into neighboring countries. The countries which participated in this movement are shown on the left in dark green, while the light green countries were only sporadic participants. All together, over 60,000 disappearances can be attributed to this operation.

Although many individuals disappeared without a trace, some were buried in mass graves located all over South America. The application of forensic techniques in identifying bodies interred in mass graves can be used for judicial purposes, to document human rights abuses and provide evidence for tribunals, as well as for humanitarian purposes, in assisting families with recovering their loved ones. The excavation of these mass graves can also contribute to the historical reconstruction of the past, as it is not uncommon for a national amnesia to be imposed, hiding unwarranted civilian deaths. It creates a voice for individuals who had been silenced, allowing them to share their stories and move past their fears. 

Further Reading:
Amnesty International Enforced Disappearances 
Operation Condor
EAAF Mission Statement

The Undead, Alive in the Archaeological Record: Vampires

                               The Undead, Alive in the Archaeological Record: Vampires

One of the two "Vampire" skeletons found in Sozopol, Bulgaria. Source 

Vampire folklore, and generally fear of the dying and of the dead is among the oldest of anxieties and phobias. Current theory surrounding vampires that have been found in archaeological sites, particularly in Europe, is that these individuals were deviants, criminals, terminally ill  or deformed during their lives.  Illness demonization may have resulted from a lack of medical or scientific knowledge, though most likely a combination of them both.  The cultural response, both modern and historic,  to the unknown seems to be fear and violence towards the accused, behaviors or appearances that differed were cast as "other" and, thus, "bad". "Othering" reflects the exclusion or subordination of an individual. Within "vampire" burials, it is reflected in atypical burial practices or physical trauma.

Sorry, Edward. You're more accurately a revenant.

Included in this cultural response is the name "vampire" itself. The term was not popularized until the 19th century literature, namely Bram Stoker's Dracula. Instead, using "vampire" draws from the popular portrayal of vampires as sympathetic, dynamic, and heroic characters, as seen in Stephanie Meyer's Twilight. 
To avoid this, I propose that "revenant" is a more appropriate term as it describes any individual who returns from death, exits their grave, and terrorizes the living, while "vampire" denotes an individual who suck blood from their victims after exiting their grave. Etymology cannot be directly be derived from burial practices, and I would prefer the nomenclature of "revenant" as a more accurate term.  

To bury a vampire involved the removal of the cranium (making exiting physically challenging), placing stones in the oral cavity (preventing exiting by way of eating), or using objects such as rocks or stakes to pin down the corpse within its grave (more exiting restraint), or a combination of these.  Practices such as these that involved physical force and/or traumas, rather than acts that simply manipulated soft tissues. These practices can be investigated within the osteological remains.   Bone is preserved because of its collagen and hydroxyapatite composition, which form a strong bond that resists decomposition when conditions are favorable. Such is the case in dry, arid climate such as the Bulgarian landscape.

Close view of the iron stake, in the upper right torso area. Source

In the case of the Sozopol, Bulgarian vampire discoveries, two male individuals were found with a singular iron stake resting in the middle of the skeletonized remains. The burials date back to the 14th century, a time during which the plague ravaged most European countries.  Yet there are conflicting and contrsting reports by both National Geographic and the Sofia News Agency. While National Geographic refers to a singular man as a "corpse" and "skeleton", Sofia News Agency refers to both male "individuals". Simple manipulation and precision of language allows for these separate media outlets to construct very different identities for these "vampires". 

The presence of metal stakes in the male’s grave suggest that staking his deceased body would prevent his transformation into a vampire in order to protect the well-being of his family or community members.  Placing a sharp object in the grave was believed to puncture the body as it bloated, which was the how the deceased was thought to have transformed into a vampire. The sharp object also inhibited a vampire’s bodily movement, and prevented any possible escape from the grave. This evidence, found in the Bulgarian grave at Sozopol is indicative of a belief that this individual was different -- an "other"

By using the words of "skeleton", "vampire" and "corpse", media outlets are maintaining the deviant and monstrous identity under which the individual was buried, while additionally constructing the identity of a modern archaeological monstrous figure that exists for modern readers. 

The media has a responsibility not only to the archaeologist's work, their journalistic integrity, but also to the deceased about whom they are writing. Using the word "vampire" is itself sensational, as it draws upon the popularity of those creatures within popular culture to gain readership. Though, doing so risks dishonoring the memory of the individual in hopes of making a quick dollar. 

 Within the archaeological record these "vampire" remains, paired with revenant folklore, narrate a society's reaction to an illness, atypical behavior, or misunderstood postmortem processes. The creation of deviant burials serve to chronicle the process of "othering" during medieval Bulgaria. I take issue with the use of "vampire", "corpse" and "skeleton" by the media as there is a risk of further "othering" those accused of "vampirism" during their lives. The media risks their readership alienating those who were violently demonized. The Bulgarian cultural beliefs are not to be judged or evaluated by our modern audience. Rather, these cultural beliefs should be used, as a lens through which deviant burials can be understood. Additionally, our own popular cultural belief of vampires as sympathetic, dynamic characters should not be projected back onto the past. 



Kelsey Kephart

 

Further Reading:

Anastasia Tsaliki. "Vampires Beyond Legend: a Bioarchaeological Approach" Proceedings of the XIII European Meeting of the Paleopathology Association, Chieti, Italy, 18-23 Sept. 2000. Ed. M. La Verghetta and L. Capasso. Teramo: Edigrafital S.p.A, 2001. 295-300.


Anastasia Tsaliki. "Vampires, the media, and quality control in archaeology". Publishing Archaeology. March, 19, 2009.

Unrelated burials

Venice "Vampire", Plague Victim or Witch?

Vampire Skeletons Mystery by NatGeo

Great New England Vampire Panic

Contemporary African Art: A Critical Reaction to an African Past

Throughout the topics explored in our Archaeology and Africa class the ideas of representation and subjectivity of authorship African histories, cultures and traditions were reoccurring. In our study of the controversial Great Zimbabwe tensions emerged from the beliefs of European or African construction. Africa as a whole seems to be constantly battling the external forces—from colonization to modern day research—in attempts to gain some jurisdiction of history from the interior. Our discussion of African art and its subjectivity in the European gallery setting is another example of these tensions. The conflicting nature of the external influence and just general lack of understanding of the continent have allowed (but should not be deemed acceptable) for grand generalizations to be made.

In my experience, when talking or learning about aspects of the world, it is discussed in terms of the countries of Europe, the countries of Asia, the countries of the Americas and then the continent of Africa. These views of Africa as a homogenous unit (with perhaps the notable exception of Egypt) do not just occur in conversation—causal discussion between friends and family but it is inherent in our textbooks, classrooms and news sources. I am afraid I am no exception, I often find myself making generalizations about Africa and I am shocked--how is it possible that an area so large and so old has been viewed and internalized as a uniform area.

Contemporary African art has begun to draw attention and confront these generalizations—drawing attention to Africa’s similarity to the rest of the world. There are two cases in which we can see the artist engage in conversation with this accepted lack of understanding.

David Goldblatt: Mother and child in their home after the destruction of its shelter by officials of the Western Cape Development Board Crossroads, Cape Town, 11 October 1986. (4_3614), 1986. Silver gelatin photograph on fiber-based paper. approx. 30 x 40cm

Image taken from the Goodman Gallery Website

Contemporary art photographer, David Goldbatt is best know for his photographs depicting South Africa during the apartheid (though is still actively documenting the landscapes of South Africa). Goldbatt is a revolutionary figure in African photography as he initiated a change portraying the rulers and powerful members of society as well as focusing on those being ruled, capturing the struggles and abuses they faced. Goldblatt, a native of South Africa, captures these images and broadcasts them to the rest of the world from within Africa challenging the tradition role of the world looking in and appraising from an external position. Goldblatt describes himself as "a self-appointed observer and critic of the society into which [he] was born, with a tendency to doing honor or giving recognition to what is often overlooked or unseen" (From an article by Bill Kouwenhoven).

Mikhael Subotzky: Image taken from the Die Vier Hoeke Series

Differently the show entitled Snap Judgments: New Positions in Contemporary African Photography curated by Okwui Enwezo was an important and provocative exhibit for African photography and how we look at Africa in general. The show was on display in the western world and examined the way that we, westerners viewed Africa. The self referential aspects of the exhibit—the atrocities portrayed allow the western viewer to sympathize with the victim for an instant but there is the simultaneous realization for the viewer that they are part of the western world with has occupied this space of brutal action against Africans in history (for instance see the Mikhael Subotzky image, I highly recommend checking out the whole Die Vier Hoeke series). This tension in the images throws the view into an uncomfortable contemplative space—evaluating how the “west” sees Africa and how Africa sees the “west. ” These images force the western viewer to confront the truth of the western violence (perhaps not literally, but metaphorical) to African society, history and mostly perspective.

Adrian R. Duran, writes in the Memphis Brooks Museum exhibit review “ while also revealing the ways in which the distance between Africa and “everywhere else” is certainly shrinking…we are able to see a glorious, tragic, joyful, confused, confusing, traditional, changing place and peoples, a contemporary Africa entirely different than the myths and ignorance that have kept us in the dark about a continent so much like our own.”

Sources:

Kouwenhoven, B. David Goldblatt [Exhibit]. Aperture no. 188 (Fall 2007) p. 20

Memphis Brooks Museum of Art Exhibition Review: March 1 - May 25, 2008.

Okwui Enwezor, “Snap Judgments: New Positions in Contemporary African Photography,” in Snap Judgments: New Positions in Contemporary African Photography, ed. Okwui Enwezor (New York: International Center of Photography and Göttingen: Steidl Publishers, 2006).